S.Nickolsky CONTEMPORARY AGRARIAN REFORM IN RUSSIA:

• To: sard-room4@tempo.undp.org
• Subject: S.Nickolsky CONTEMPORARY AGRARIAN REFORM IN RUSSIA:
• From: con-mgt@qku.msk.ru (Co-owner of Conference)
• Date: Fri, 5 Apr 1996 12:11:34 +0400 (MSD)
• Organization: Foun.Agr.Dev.Res.

Sergei Nickolsky:

CONTEMPORARY AGRARIAN REFORM IN RUSSIA: 
BLUEPRINTS, IMPLEMENTATION AND ALTERNATIVE 
PERSPECTIVES

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PART 1
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Introduction

In this paper I will analyse the process of economic transformation in 
Russia over the last decade by relying on the theoretical framework 
proposed by Janos Kornai and presented in the Introduction to this 
volume. According to Kornai, reforms of socialist economies had to 
deal with a number of issues such as decentralisation,  overcoming 
accelerated growth, price reform, property reform and 
democratisation.  

This approach enables us to make cross-national comparisons but the 
reform issues and problems Kornai identified cannot be ordered into 
some universally applicable  sequence. Depending on the history of 
individual countries, the mentality of its population and other factors 
the process can vary depending which country tried to implement 
what kind of reform in what sequence.  For instance, an important 
hypothesis of this paper is that while in Eastern Europe land 
ownership was a crucial problem to be solved, this was not the case in 
Russia.  My rather provocative hypothesis is that in Russia the first 
problem what has to be addressed is the question of social justice 
rather than land-ownership. Soviet agriculture was eminently 
inefficient. This inefficiency however was primarily caused by the 
Soviet obsession with industrialisation which led to redistribution of 
resources from agriculture to industrial development, and thus to an 
excessive exploitation of the peasantry and the countryside. 
Overcoming what Kornai called "accelerated growth", creating a 
fairer, more just allocation of resources between industry and 
agriculture, between city and countryside would go a long way toward 
resolving the underlying problems of efficiency. 

The Russian peasantry has been abused and exploited for too long. 
No reform scenario has a chance to succeed and to receive the support 
of the peasantry unless the peasants see that it addresses the problem 
of social justice and that it will bring their exploitation to an end. 
Reforms without the approval of the peasantry, if they are pushed 
through by the government, can only destroy agriculture and set the 
country back to subsistence production.  The great Russian economist 
Nikolai Kondratiev wrote in 1917 that:  a/ rational reform has to be 
pragmatic and proceed step-by-step; b/ it has to improve productivity 
and c/ it has to guarantee social justice, which means that peasants 
should persuaded that reforms will assure a decent living standard for 
all members of the rural community.

 According to these criteria, reforms which were implemented between 
1991 and 1995 were not rational. They were imposed on the 
countryside, many of their components remained only on paper, and 
those measures which became effective only disrupted existing 
institutions and paved the way toward a subsistence economy. 

To put it within the framework of Kornai: the Russian government 
during the past few years has focused its efforts exclusively on the 
reform of ownership, but without first solving the inequity in prices 
between agriculture and other sectors of the economy and the 
problem of harmonious growth and therefore without eliminating the 
unequal distribution of resources between industry and agriculture.

To summarise the conclusions of this Chapter:  in my view the 
sequence of reform measures which would be appropriate for Russian 
conditions is the following: reform has to begin with prices and 
harmonisation of growth. Only after this has been achieved, a 
gradual, relatively slow, step-by-step movement towards private 
ownership is feasible. Democratisation and decentralisation can come 
only last. As a consequence of such a reform progress, the role of the 
state will eventually change. In the first phase - in establishing the 
right prices and reallocating resources - a strong government is 
needed. In the phase of property reform the role of government can be 
somewhat reduced and the third phase presupposes a very modest 
degree of direct state intervention.

I will reach these conclusions by offering an analysis of the current 
conditions of Russian agriculture and by assessing the potential 
alternatives for its future development.

 I. Why was Reform Necessary? The Political Economy of Russian 
Agriculture, 1985-1990. 

a. Conditions of agriculture before 1985 and the reform efforts of 
Khrushchev and Brezhnev.

In the Soviet literature, the concept of an agricultural complex was 
frequently used. This referred to the whole agrarian system, which 
included agriculture and forestry, its infrastructure,  food processing 
and distribution. Those sectors of the industry which produced inputs 
for agriculture were also regarded as parts of the agricultural  
complex. This agricultural complex produced about a third of GNP 
before 1991. About a third of the work force worked in agriculture 
itself and in industries related to agriculture, and hence in the 
agricultural complex. For the whole Soviet epoch therefore 
agriculture was a major branch of the economy. Despite the 
extraordinary importance of the agricultural complex for the whole 
Soviet economy, agriculture was generally neglected and mismanaged 
through most of the Soviet period. Collectivisation had at  least two 
disadvantageous implications for agriculture. First, the purpose of 
collectivisation was to re-channel resources from agriculture to 
industry, to support what Kornai calls the strategy of "accelerated 
growth". Second collectivisation as it was carried out during  the early 
1930's produced an inadequate organisational form in agriculture.  
Firm sizes were too large, food processing was inadequate and the 
system of distribution of food was inefficient.  As a result agricultural 
production stagnated between 1930 and the early 1950's and this fact, 
aggravated by distribution problem, resulted in  chronic food 
shortages in cities. 

It was in  1953, with the ascendancy of Khrushchev to power, that 
these problems were first recognised by the Soviet leadership.  
Khrushchev tried to address the organisational problems of agrarian 
production.  As early as 1953 he implemented some degree of 
decentralisation of the management of agriculture, which  meant an 
increase of the decision making power at the level of the kholhoz. He 
also allowed peasants to cultivate private plots and expanded peasant 
markets. During the late 1950's and early 1960's he also initiated an 
expansion of agricultural production in new areas:  in particular  the 
"virgin lands" of Khazakhstan and West Siberia  were opened up for 
agricultural production . Khrushchev's reforms moved the sector in 
the right direction and produced results. Food supply in cities 
improved substantially. His reforms however were not radical 
enough.  In terms of organisational matters Khrushchev went a long  
way towards  decentralisation, but did not address the problem of 
ownership: the relationships between the producer and the land and 
the  producer and the means of production remained unresolved. 
Furthermore, under Khrushchev the strategy of extensive and 
accelerated growth continued.  The imbalance between industry and 
agriculture was not addressed; agriculture kept subsidising industrial 
development and Khrushchev tried to solve the problem of increasing 
agrarian production not by channelling more resources into agrarian 
production, but by extensively expanding land under cultivation.

Brezhnev was sensitive to the political problem represented by food 
shortages and therefore also made an attempt to deal with this issue -- 
but in a rather different manner than Khrushchev. In one respect he 
went beyond Khrushchev and tried to deal with the imbalance 
between industry and agriculture. During the Brezhnev era agriculture 
did receive investments proportionate to its role in the national 
economy. In another respect, however, Brezhnev represented a step 
backward in comparison with Khrushchev. Khrushchev was a 
decentraliser who increased the autonomy of peasant producers. 
Brezhnev on the other hand was a re-centraliser and a bureaucrat. 
Instead of continuing the organisational reforms Khrushchev had 
started, Brezhnev tried to solve the Soviet agrarian problem by 
throwing money at it.  Ironically, the larger volume of resources 
channelled into agriculture required a considerably larger 
bureaucratic structure to manage the allocation of those resources.  
As a result, the size of kholhozes grew, and the scale of  investments in 
agriculture imitated those in industry. The increased investment 
inflow created large scale, industrial type of complexes. Between 1965-
85 for instance about 28 percent of all investments were allocated to 
the agricultural complex (See Table 1). 

These investment had results (See Tables 3-5).  Agricultural 
production and productivity substantially increased. But this increase 
had a very high costs. Most investment was oriented towards 
technology and the production of the means of production. The 
number of tractors and combines was greatly increased, new 
industrial type of buildings were erected to house both the means of 
production and the industrial type of production technologies. This 
expansion also coincided with the rapid increase of use of chemical 
fertilisers and pesticides. In other words this strategy was highly 
capital intensive and not particularly friendly towards the 
environment.   Growth was achieved at prohibitive financial and 
environmental costs: this was indeed unsustainable growth. 

The neglect of the organisational problems of agricultural production 
by the Brezhnev regime also had negative consequences.  One 
important indicator is the fact that food consumption did not increase 
as rapidly as food production (see Table 6). According to some 
estimates, as much as 40% of all food produced was wasted and never 
reached the consumers.


b. The Condition of Agriculture Between 1985-1990 and Gorbachev's 
Reform Attempts.

In terms of investments and growth of production, improvement of 
productivity the Gorbachev years are extensions of the Brezhnev era 
(See Tables 1-5).  The amount of investment in constant prices during 
Gorbachev's years  increased even further and there was substantial 
growth in the production of major crops.  There was a thorough 
change in investment policy.  A substantial proportion of investments 
under Gorbachev were directed towards the food processing industry, 
since Gorbachev tried hard to solve the problem of food shortages 
and get food from the producer to the consumer. Gorbachev was 
however also aware that money alone would not solve the problems 
of Russian agriculture and that organisational reform was also 
needed. In this respect he returned to the spirit of the Khrushchev era 
reforms. Gorbachev was particularly aware of the regional diversity of 
Russian agriculture and the impossibility of managing it on a 
centralised basis:  thus decentralisation of the system of decision 
making was very high up on his reform agenda. Gorbachev also 
supported the private plots of kholhoz peasants. In this respect he 
moved even beyond Khrushchev who, after initial support for private 
plots, had as a result of bureaucratic pressure by the early 1960's 
began to discourage production з especially commodity production 
з on individual plots.     In terms of de-centralisation and support for 
private plots Gorbachev pursued coherent policies. On the whole, the 
1985-1990 period was an era of great promise. Gorbachev combined 
the strength of the policies of Khrushchev and Brezhnev, he pursued a 
policy of decentralisation and encouraged more autonomy for the 
agricultural firms and peasants and he also still had resources to 
spend in the agrarian sector.    In this sense he continued the 
harmonisation efforts of the Brezhnev era.

There was, however, a major shortcoming in the Gorbachev reform 
policies: The fundamental weakness of  his policy was that he did not 
confront the problem of ownership.  In fact, until the very end of his 
rule he did not admit that property reform in agriculture would 
eventually be necessary. This shortcoming in his reform scenario was 
not accidental.  His major ambition was to keep conservatives and 
pragmatists together, a task which was impossible to accomplish.  For 
example, until the bitter end he kept Ligachev on his team and in 
charge of agrarian policy. The conservatives' main aim was to keep 
communist ownership relations intact.  In order not to lose their 
support Gorbachev never even hypothetically posed  the question as 
to whether communist property rights are sustainable.  He remained 
faithful to the ideal of communism and left property relations 
unreformed. 

During 1985-1990 there was little effort to resolve the price problem 
either. Agrarian prices remained low, there was insufficient incentive 
for collective farm and farmers to produce. This again may have been 
the consequence of Gorbachev's unwillingness to bite the bullet, to 
alienate the urban population з and in particular the urban working 
class з with higher food prices. The implications for agricultural 
production, however, were negative.

II. Agrarian Restructuring After 1991 and Yeltsin's Agricultural 
Reforms

With the fall of Gorbachev,  Yeltsin took the road of radical reform 
and certainly cannot be accused for not being radical enough.  
Furthermore, unlike his predecessors, Yeltsin has indeed focused on 
changing property relations. Still the result are devastating.  During 
the past five years Russian agriculture has in terms of decline in 
production, productivity and employment experienced a crisis which 
was deeper - though not as costly in human life - than the crisis 
created by Stalinist collectivisation. Why?  The main hypothesis of 
this chapter is that Yeltsin's radicalism has been misdirected. First, he 
sequenced the reform measures the wrong way.  Rather than starting 
with decentralisation and channelling resources into agriculture he is 
trying to start the process with changes in property rights, assuming 
that ownership reform will automatically solve all other problems. A 
further hypothesis of this paper is that Yeltsin and his economic 
advisers are trying to implement the wrong type of property reform. 
They are simply trying to borrow the Western institution of private 
property and create capitalism by design. The thesis of this  chapter is 
that ownership reform is indeed vitally important, but that it has to 
come at a somewhat later stage and it has to result from a process of 
trial an error during which a search for a possibly new form of 
ownership which is appropriate for the conditions of rural Russia will 
take place.  In this part of my Chapter first I acknowledge that Yeltsin 
was indeed operating under very difficult circumstances: 
implementing  reform in Russia after 1991 is not an easy task. Next I 
review the type of legislation the Yeltsin government passed during 
the past four years. I will then present a few case studies of attempts 
to implement these reforms and report on peasant movements. Finally 
I conclude this part by offering a description of the current state of 
agriculture in Russia.

a. The Brakes on Reform: Why is Reform in Russia Particularly 
Difficult to Implement?

Soviet agriculture during the whole history of the Soviet Union faced 
even more severe problems than agriculture in the East European 
socialist countries.  There are a number of reasons for this:

1/ Socialist economies typically use agriculture to subsidise economic 
growth. The unique feature of the Soviet Union however was that it 
was a highly militarised society and agriculture from the very 
beginning was treated as a major resource to build up the military 
might of the Soviet World Empire. 

2/Furthermore,  the size and diversity of Soviet agrarian system 
aggravated the difficulties a centrally planned economy faces in 
economic management. The agrarian sector in the Soviet Union was 
huge, its natural, climatic and other conditions vary a great deal and 
the task to centrally plan such a sector was particularly difficult.

3/ Over the past 80 years there were too many changes in the agrarian 
system of Russia and the Soviet Union. Stolypin's reforms of 1906 
were followed by War Communism (1918-1921), by the New 
Economic Policy (1921-29), forced collectivisation (1929-35), 
Khrushchev's reform,  Brezhnev's anti-reforms, Gorbachev's reform 
attempts and the current wave of agrarian restructuring. The aims, 
objectives and methods of these policies were highly contradictory.

4/ While there has been, on the whole, too much unpredictability and 
too much change in the Russian country-side, in those areas where 
change would have been desirable з  namely in ownership relations з  
property rights were frozen with collectivisation for a half a century. 
For far too long it was impossible to identify the real owners of the 
land and other means of agricultural production.

5/ In Russia, ideology played a greater role than in China or in 
Eastern Europe.  The Russian population is better educated than the 
Chinese and therefore ideology is more important to them. While in 
Eastern Europe communism was superimposed on societies by Soviet 
military force, in Russia communist ideology had deeper roots.  In 
Russia, therefore, reform required more of a change in ideology than 
elsewhere. This may be one of the reasons of Gorbachev's failure. He 
did not go far enough in creating a new ideology. He remained 
committed to reform within the framework of  socialism,  and 
therefore lost potential support from among those who could have 
been won over by a more radical ideological break with the past. He 
even lost the potential support of pragmatists within the Party due to 
his relative ideological conservatism. 

There is one common problem what all post-socialist economies face 
and in which respect Russia is in the same boat with Eastern Europe: 
a major restructuring which ideally would require substantial 
resources is being attempted in a resource poor environment.  When 
Gorbachev tried his reforms, the conditions were in this respect at 
least somewhat better.  Reasonably good financial and technical 
resources were available to him, agricultural enterprises had assets 
they could rely on during the short few years required for 
restructuring. These resources were exhausted and wasted by 
Gorbachevвs unsuccessful reform attempts. There were also 
organisational resources available until the early 1990's : pragmatic 
agricultural experts in agricultural firms, in the government and the 
party, and research establishments which could facilitate timely 
reforms. Gorbachev could not exploit these organisational resources. 
He persisted in making too many concessions to the conservatives in 
order to maintain the unity of the Party. Conservatives managed to 
marginalia the pragmatists and block the reform process. As a result 
by 1991 not much remained from these organisation resources , and 
even what little survived was subsequently destroyed,  making the 
formulation and implementation of reforms now all the more 
difficult.


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•џџQ•џџš•џџу•џџю•џџ№•џџ–џџ–џџ`–џџЊ–џџ
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ЦВжВџџиВџџ ГџџqГџџРГџџДџџXДџџЃДџџЅДџџѕДџџAЕџџ†ЕџџдЕџџ#ЖџџrЖџџНЖџџЗџџUЗџџ ЗџџюЗџџ
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љ^ћ^џџ<_џџx_џџЛ_џџў_џџB`џџ`џџŒ`џџŽ`џџЮ`џџ
aџџPaџџaџџŸaџџЁaџџтaџџ%bџџabџџЃbџџтbџџ
тbcџџ`cџџЂcџџсcџџ"dџџadџџЄdџџцdџџeџџeџџUeџџ™eџџнeџџ fџџbfџџІfџџщfџџ'gџџjgџџ­gџџ
­gЬgџџЮgџџћgџџ§gџџ;hџџhџџТhџџќhџџ>iџџiџџПiџџ
jџџEjџџ‡jџџЦjџџлjџџнjџџkџџ`kџџЂkџџ
Ђkцkџџ*lџџnlџџ­lџџМlџџОlџџћlџџ6mџџxmџџЙmџџѕmџџїmџџ$nџџ&nџџ(nџџCnџџ`nџџƒnџџ•nџџЃnџџ
ЃnЅnџџЙnџџсnџџoџџ6oџџUoџџWoџџ\oџџyoџџ‹oџџoџџoџџ‘oџџ“oџџБoџџГoџџёoџџ2pџџtpџџЗpџџ
Зpїpџџ2qџџ4qџџsqџџЕqџџіqџџ8rџџyrџџˆrџџŠrџџГrџџЕrџџюrџџ.sџџrsџџЕsџџяsџџ+tџџetџџЉtџџ
Љtьtџџюtџџ0uџџsuџџЖuџџљuџџ<vџџvџџСvџџўvџџwџџ@wџџƒwџџЦwџџxџџJxџџ‹xџџЦxџџШxџџyџџ
yGyџџ‹yџџЭyџџzџџ!zџџ#zџџczџџІzџџтzџџ {џџ0{џџ2{џџ]{џџ_{џџœ{џџл{џџ|џџ_|џџ›|џџл|џџ
л|}џџ	}џџH}џџ‰}џџЧ}џџ~џџK~џџ„~џџЧ~џџ
џџIџџiџџkџџЋџџюџџ%€џџg€џџЈ€џџц€џџ#џџ
#dџџ џџрџџэџџяџџ2‚џџu‚џџЖ‚џџѕ‚џџ5ƒџџtƒџџДƒџџЖƒџџгƒџџеƒџџ„џџY„џџ›„џџй„џџ…џџ
…V…џџ™…џџл…џџ†џџ†џџX†џџ›†џџм†џџ‡џџ^‡џџ‡џџн‡џџ ˆџџ1ˆџџ3ˆџџpˆџџГˆџџіˆџџ9‰џџz‰џџ
z‰„‰џџ†‰џџШ‰џџŠџџEŠџџ‡ŠџџЦŠџџ‹џџJ‹џџ‡‹џџБ‹џџГ‹џџч‹џџщ‹џџŒџџ
ŒџџDŒџџ|ŒџџЇŒџџЉŒџџ
ЉŒТŒџџФŒџџ§Œџџ2џџiџџkџџІџџеџџзџџŽџџFŽџџXŽџџZŽџџ”ŽџџЪŽџџ§Žџџ1џџHџџJџџuџџ
užџџЫџџњџџ*џџXџџˆџџ­џџкџџ‘џџ8‘џџa‘џџ‘џџИ‘џџш‘џџ§‘џџџ‘џџ<’џџu’џџЌ’џџЫ’џџ
Ы’Э’џџ	“џџA“џџz“џџГ“џџП“џџС“џџб“џџг“џџ”џџ>”џџs”џџ­”џџф”џџ•џџ•џџA•џџ{•џџЕ•џџэ•џџ
э•я•џџ–џџL–џџz–џџЅ–џџУ–џџХ–џџў–џџ7—џџq—џџw—џџy—џџД—џџш—џџ ˜џџZ˜џџh˜џџj˜џџ™˜џџТ˜џџ
Ҙђ˜џџ!™џџM™џџO™џџ‡™џџС™џџъ™џџь™џџšџџšџџ@šџџtšџџЉšџџоšџџ›џџJ›џџ`›џџb›џџ››џџе›џџ
е›œџџEœџџXœџџZœџџ•œџџЮœџџџџ?џџAџџmџџџџЧџџѕџџ"žџџPžџџ|žџџЊžџџиžџџŸџџŸџџ
ŸŸџџHŸџџ~ŸџџЗŸџџЦŸџџШŸџџ џџ= џџo џџq џџŸ џџЫ џџћ џџ#ЁџџRЁџџЁџџЎЁџџоЁџџ	Ђџџ5Ђџџ
5ЂYЂџџ[Ђџџ’ЂџџПЂџџјЂџџ1ЃџџiЃџџЁЃџџзЃџџЄџџEЄџџTЄџџVЄџџeЄџџgЄџџЂЄџџдЄџџЅџџ@ЅџџvЅџџ
vЅЏЅџџлЅџџнЅџџІџџ4Іџџ6ІџџgІџџ“ІџџРІџџъІџџЇџџGЇџџwЇџџЇџџŸЇџџйЇџџЈџџFЈџџbЈџџdЈџџ
dЈ’ЈџџСЈџџьЈџџЉџџKЉџџXЉџџZЉџџ›ЉџџнЉџџ ЊџџbЊџџžЊџџкЊџџЋџџ^ЋџџžЋџџрЋџџўЋџџЌџџ4Ќџџ
4Ќ6ЌџџtЌџџБЌџџђЌџџ&­џџ(­џџi­џџЇ­џџъ­џџ.Ўџџ^Ўџџ`ЎџџЃЎџџоЎџџЏџџ^ЏџџЏџџЫЏџџЭЏџџАџџ
АHАџџ‹АџџЫАџџБџџFБџџŠБџџ˜БџџšБџџЇБџџЉБџџчБџџ*ВџџiВџџІВџџшВџџ*ГџџSГџџUГџџ—ГџџиГџџ
иГДџџUДџџ—ДџџжДџџЕџџPЕџџRЕџџ‘ЕџџЪЕџџЖџџCЖџџzЖџџМЖџџўЖџџ?ЗџџЗџџЏЗџџБЗџџюЗџџ.Иџџ
.ИkИџџЏИџџђИџџ-ЙџџoЙџџБЙџџ№Йџџ0КџџsКџџДКџџєКџџ5ЛџџtЛџџ}ЛџџЛџџЛџџƒЛџџ…Лџџ‡Лџџ“Лџџ
“ЛдЛџџяЛџџ,МџџMМџџРМџџфМџџцМџџшМџџыМџџэМџџяМџџёМџџєМџџіМџџљМџџћМџџ§МџџџМџџ7Нџџ9Нџџ
9Н;Нџџ=НџџdНџџfНџџhНџџjНџџ‘НџџАНџџбНџџіНџџ)ОџџVОџџ“ОџџвОџџоОџџъОџџьОџџџОџџ
Пџџ+Пџџ
+ПXПџџfПџџhПџџpПџџxПџџ€Пџџ‚ПџџПџџ’ПџџлПџџ!РџџfРџџЋРџџ№Рџџ(Сџџ<Сџџ>Сџџ„СџџЪСџџТџџ
ТYТџџ›ТџџпТџџУџџhУџџАУџџѕУџџ4ФџџyФџџТФџџ	ХџџHХџџ‰ХџџЪХџџЦџџDЦџџFЦџџŠЦџџвЦџџЧџџ
ЧdЧџџЈЧџџюЧџџ5Шџџ|ШџџФШџџЩџџTЩџџyЩџџ{ЩџџТЩџџўЩџџBЪџџ‚ЪџџСЪџџУЪџџЫџџMЫџџ•ЫџџдЫџџ
дЫЬџџ^Ьџџ`Ьџџ ЬџџхЬџџ(ЭџџhЭџџЊЭџџёЭџџ:ЮџџƒЮџџЦЮџџЯџџOЯџџuЯџџwЯџџПЯџџаџџ,аџџ.аџџ
.аoаџџ‰аџџ‹аџџааџџъаџџьаџџ3бџџxбџџТбџџ
вџџMвџџвџџевџџгџџVгџџ“гџџигџџдџџeдџџЋдџџ
Ћдюдџџ4еџџеџџФеџџжџџTжџџœжџџмжџџѓжџџѕжџџ9зџџ{зџџСзџџџзџџDиџџŒиџџдиџџйџџeйџџЊйџџ
Њйяйџџ1кџџpкџџЖкџџњкџџ?лџџ€лџџОлџџмџџKмџџ‘мџџзмџџнџџнџџaнџџЋнџџёнџџ/оџџwоџџЛоџџ
Лоџоџџ:пџџ{пџџПпџџ
рџџCрџџ‡рџџФрџџсџџWсџџšсџџусџџ+тџџUтџџWтџџ–тџџптџџуџџ]уџџšуџџ
šусуџџ'фџџmфџџГфџџёфџџ3хџџpхџџrхџџКхџџјхџџAцџџ‚цџџШцџџрцџџтцџџфцџџ(чџџ:чџџ<чџџчџџ
чХчџџ
шџџSшџџ”шџџмшџџ"щџџfщџџІщџџщщџџ*ъџџtъџџНъџџ§ъџџCыџџ‚ыџџШыџџьџџTьџџ—ьџџтьџџ
ть)эџџlэџџДэџџіэџџ;юџџ}юџџЉюџџЋюџџэюџџ5яџџ~яџџРяџџ№џџK№џџ“№џџз№џџёџџ`ёџџЅёџџъёџџ
ъё+ђџџ9ђџџ;ђџџƒђџџЬђџџѓџџYѓџџŸѓџџфѓџџ	єџџєџџNєџџWєџџYєџџ єџџсєџџ'ѕџџpѕџџЕѕџџњѕџџ
њѕ>іџџ„іџџаіџџїџџ^їџџІїџџэїџџ1јџџwјџџНјџџљџџPљџџ˜љџџкљџџ#њџџnњџџЉњџџёњџџ7ћџџћџџ
ћЧћџџќџџ(ќџџ*ќџџjќџџƒќџџ…ќџџЭќџџ§џџN§џџP§џџ™§џџо§џџўџџdўџџˆўџџŠўџџЭўџџџџџSџџџ
Sџœџџџтџџџфџџџ,џџpџџЉџџщџџ-
џџr
џџЗ
џџЙ
џџџџDџџ‹џџеџџџџOџџQџџ”џџкџџ
кџџbџџЇџџюџџ5џџuџџДџџїџџ=џџ†џџЏџџБџџіџџ=џџ}џџТџџџџJџџ‘џџЮџџ
Ю	џџH	џџ	џџи	џџ
џџb
џџЈ
џџэ
џџ4џџxџџМџџљџџџџџџ	џџџџџџJџџ‘џџЮџџ

 Arial Cyr–џџz–џџЅ–џџУ–џџХ–џџў–џџ7—џџq—џџw—џџy—џџД—џџш—џџ ˜џџZ˜џџh˜џџj˜џџ™˜џџТ˜џџ


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